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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

PNAC Contributors and Signatories from the George W. Bush Administration

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Elliott Abrams
Special Asst. to President and Senior Director for Middle East and North African Affairs, National Security Council; Special Asst. to President and Senior Director for Democracy, Human Rights, and International Operations, National Security Council

Kenneth Adelman
Defense Policy Board

Richard V. Allen
Defense Policy Board; National Security Advisory Group

Richard Armitage
Deputy Secretary of State

John Bolton
Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and Disarmament

Stephen Cambone
Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence

Richard Cheney
Vice President

Eliot Cohen
Defense Policy Board

Seth Cropsey
International Broadcasting Bureau, Director

Devon Gaffney Cross
Defense Policy Board

Paula Dobriansky
Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs

Aaron Friedberg
Vice President's Deputy National Security Advisor; Vice President's Director of Policy Planning

Francis Fukuyama
Cloning Panel; President's Council on Bioethics

Daniel Gouré
2001 DoD Transition Team

Fred C. Iklé
Defense Policy Board

Zalmay Khalilzad
Special Envoy to Afghanistan; Liaison to Iraqi Opposition

Jeane J. Kirkpatrick
U.S. Rep. to U.N. Human Rights Commission

John F. Lehman
National Commission to Investigate Attacks on the U.S.

I. Lewis Libby
Vice President's Chief of Staff; Vice President's Assistant for National Security Affairs

Richard Perle
Defense Policy Board; Consultant to Secretary of Defense

Daniel Pipes
U.S. Institute of Peace, board member

Dan Quayle
Defense Policy Board

Peter Rodman
Asst. Defense Secretary for International Security Affairs

Henry Rowen
Defense Policy Board

Donald Rumsfeld
Secretary of Defense

William Schneider Jr.
Defense Science Board, Chairman

Abram Shulsky
Pentagon's Office of Special Plans, Director

Chris Williams
Defense Policy Board; Deterrence Concepts Advisory Panel; Special Assistant to Rumsfeld on Policy, 2001

Paul Wolfowitz
Deputy Secretary of Defense

James Woolsey
Defense Policy Board; Deterrence Concepts Advisory Panel

Dov S. Zakheim
Defense Department Comptroller

Robert Zoellick
Trade Representative

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Erik Prince is the former CEO of Blackwater, which critics have called “a modern-day mercenary army.” Prince, who continues to sell security services around the world and has supported numerous right-wing causes, has become embroiled in the investigation into alleged collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign.


Rudolph Giuliani is a lawyer and Republican politician who was mayor of New York City from 1994-2001. A foreign policy hawk and vocal supporter of Donald Trump, Giuliani recently joined Trump’s legal team to add pressure on the special council to wrap up the investigation into alleged collusion with Russia in U.S. elections.


Bernard Marcus, the billionaire co-founder of The Home Depot, is a major funder of neoconservative, anti-Iran and pro-Likud causes and public figures.


David Makovsky, a fellow at the “pro-Israel” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, has been hawk on Iran, but largely quiet since Trump took office.


Casino magnate Sheldon Adelson is an important financial backer of conservative politicians and right-wing “pro-Israel” groups. Although at one time a Donald Trump skeptic, Adelson has seen his investment in Trump pay off as the president has made highly controversial moves on two issues that are priorities for Adelson, withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal and moving the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem.


Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR) is an outspoken promoter of aggressive U.S. foreign policies whose comments often combine right-wing Republican populism and neoconservativism.


I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby, a key neoconservative figure and former chief of staff to Vice President Dick Cheney, was convicted as part of the investigation into the outing of CIA operative Valerie Plame’s and later pardoned by Donald Trump.


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Israel, which is not a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, is paradoxically among the principal beneficiaries of the Iran deal, which has blocked a new candidate’s (Iran) access to the regional nuclear club, lifted an existential threat off its neck, and prevented a domino effect of a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. Israel could lose all of these if the move to terminate the JCPOA is successful.


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The US is suffering from the delusions of a hegemonic power that can no longer impose its will on other nations yet refuses to acknowledge the new reality. It has now manufactured another unnecessary, destructive, and imprudent crisis with Iran, which is bound to bring a future clash between US and Iran to the detriment of world peace.


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Significant numbers of military combat operations across the globe are being outsourced to the private sector with little accountability, including in Syria where both Russia and the United States have put contractors to war.


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Among the many disturbing images from the ceremony redesignating a U.S. consulate building in Jerusalem as the new U.S. embassy was the participation of two bigoted American preachers, Robert Jeffress and John Hagee, which reveals just how far removed the issue has become from any presumed effort to provide succor or shelter to a historically persecuted religious minority. Only dogma and raw power remain.


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The costs of America’s “war on terror,” still spreading in the Trump era, are incalculable. Just look at photos of the cities of Ramadi or Mosul in Iraq, Raqqa or Aleppo in Syria, Sirte in Libya, or Marawi in the southern Philippines, all in ruins in the wake of the conflicts Washington set off in the post–9/11 years, and try to put a price on them. That number is not included in the $5.6 trillion that the “Costs of War Project” at Brown University’s Watson Institute estimates has been spent since September 12, 2001.


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President Trump is a very powerful boat with no rudder. Unfortunately, John Bolton is now his rudder. Which effectively means, when it comes to foreign policy, that it’s Bolton’s administration now.


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Given the chaotic policymaking process in the White House, Iran policy will likely be implemented in an ad hoc fashion subject to the interplay between President Trump’s continued incoherence and a drive toward confrontation pushed primarily by John Bolton.


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