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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

The War over Iraq; Zoellick at the Bank?; Intel Failure Redux

FEATURED ARTICLE The Political War Over the Iraq War By John Isaacs | May 30, 2007 What seems like a huge defeat—scrapping the deadlines for troop withdrawal in the latest war-funding bill—could instead be a minor setback. Unfortunately, however, it has become all too clear that President Bush wants to draw out the Iraq War…

FEATURED ARTICLE

The Political War Over the Iraq War
By John Isaacs | May 30, 2007

What seems like a huge defeat—scrapping the deadlines for troop withdrawal in the latest war-funding bill—could instead be a minor setback. Unfortunately, however, it has become all too clear that President Bush wants to draw out the Iraq War until he can hand off the mess to his successor. Read full story.

FEATURED PROFILE

Robert Zoellick
President Bush’s nominee to replace Paul Wolfowitz at the helm of the World Bank is regarded as a non-ideological member of the Republican Party elite, despite his support for neoconservative-led advocacy campaigns aimed at driving the country to war. Zoellick also has a long history of unilateral tendencies.

ALSO NEW ON RIGHT WEB

Blame It on the Management
By Emad Mekay | May 30, 2007

It was Paul Wolfowitz’s bad choices that sealed his fate at the World Bank, insiders say, and not his role in the Iraq War. Read full story.

Heads in the Sand
By Jim Lobe | May 29, 2007

The pre-war intelligence reports that foresaw the disaster in Iraq prove that the Bush administration ignored experts’ warnings. Read full story.

Right Web Profile: David Jeremiah
A retired admiral and current adviser to the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs, Jeremiah has close ties to both the government and the defense industry.

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Featured Profiles

Zalmay Khalilzad is Donald Trump’s special representative to the Afghan peace process, having previously served as ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq under George W. Bush.


Robert Joseph played a key role in manipulating U.S. intelligence to support the invasion of Iraq and today is a lobbyist for the MEK.


Lindsey Graham (R-SC) is one of the Senate’s more vocal hawks, and one of the prime vacillators among Republicans between objecting to and supporting Donald Trump.


Elliott Abrams, the Trump administration’s special envoy to Venezuela, is a neoconservative with a long record of hawkish positions and actions, including lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra affair.


Mike Pompeo, Donald Trump second secretary of state, has driven a hawkish foreign policy in Iran and Latin America.


Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.


Nikki Haley, Donald Trump’s first U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, is known for her lock-step support for Israel and is widely considered to be a future presidential candidate.


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From the Wires

François Nicoullaud, the former French ambassador to Iran, discusses the ups and downs of Iran-France relations and the new US sanctions.


Effective alliances require that powerful states shoulder a far larger share of the alliance maintenance costs than other states, a premise that Donald Trump rejects.


The new imbroglio over the INF treaty does not mean a revival of the old Cold War practice of nuclear deterrence. However, it does reveal the inability of the West and Russia to find a way to deal with the latter’s inevitable return to the ranks of major powers, a need that was obvious even at the time the USSR collapsed.


As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump appeared to recognize the obvious problem of the revolving door. But as the appointment of Patrick Shanahan, who spent 30 years at Boeing, as the Trump administration’s acting secretary of defense reveals, little has changed. America is indeed great again, if you happen to be one of those lucky enough to be moving back and forth between plum jobs in the Pentagon and the weapons industry.


Domestic troubles, declining popularity, and a decidedly hawkish anti-Iran foreign policy team may combine to make the perfect storm that pushes Donald Trump to pull the United States into a new war in the Middle East.


The same calculus that brought Iran and world powers to make a deal and has led remaining JCPOA signatories to preserve it without the U.S. still holds: the alternatives to this agreement – a race between sanctions and centrifuges that could culminate in Iran obtaining the bomb or being bombed – would be much worse.


With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll of course be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public. And he won’t care about the consequences.


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