Right Web

Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

The General Goes to Washington; William Schneider Jr.; Daniel Gouré, and More

FEATURED ARTICLE The Surge Scam: Getting Rid of the GoatCommentary By Leon Hadar A vague commitment to end the surge in Iraq, coupled with the supposed credibility of General Petraeus, could buy President Bush more time to pursue his military offensive in Iraq and leave the mess there to his successor in the White House.…

FEATURED ARTICLE

The Surge Scam: Getting Rid of the Goat
Commentary By Leon Hadar

A vague commitment to end the surge in Iraq, coupled with the supposed credibility of General Petraeus, could buy President Bush more time to pursue his military offensive in Iraq and leave the mess there to his successor in the White House. But anti-war critics question Petraeus’ credibility, arguing that he is not only identified with the failed U.S. strategy in Iraq but also that he has become a political ally of Bush and of Republicans. Democrats have failed to mount a serious challenge to Petraeus, allowing him, and by extension the Bush administration, to set the terms of the current debate on Iraq. Read full story.

FEATURED PROFILES

Daniel Gouré
The conservative vice president of the Lexington Institute maintains close ties with defense contractors while pushing controversial weapons programs in the media.

Richard Pipes
An important early neoconservative and Team B player who pushed flimsy evidence of supposed Soviet threats, Pipes remains a proponent of hardline foreign policies.

William Schneider Jr.
A corporate executive and longtime government insider who has served in a number of advisory posts during the Bush presidency, Schneider has supported the work of the Center for Security policy and other hardline advocacy groups.

John Foster Jr.
A key proponent of new nuclear weapons development within the Bush administration, Foster doubles as a defense contractor exec and advocate of hardline defense policies.

ALSO NEW ON RIGHT WEB

Pushing the Surge
By Eli Clifton

Against a backdrop of dwindling domestic and international support for the ongoing U.S. presence in Iraq, neocons are vociferously touting Gen. David Petraeus’ final report to Congress. Read full story.

Surge Expansion?
By Khody Akhavi

The same day that General Petraeus gave Congress his Iraq surge report, neoconservatives took aim at what they hope will be the next military target: Iran. Read full story.

A Different Tack
By Gareth Porter

Israel thought Iran was the better target for the United States, according to one administration official. Read full story.

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Featured Profiles

Zalmay Khalilzad is Donald Trump’s special representative to the Afghan peace process, having previously served as ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq under George W. Bush.


Robert Joseph played a key role in manipulating U.S. intelligence to support the invasion of Iraq and today is a lobbyist for the MEK.


Lindsey Graham (R-SC) is one of the Senate’s more vocal hawks, and one of the prime vacillators among Republicans between objecting to and supporting Donald Trump.


Elliott Abrams, the Trump administration’s special envoy to Venezuela, is a neoconservative with a long record of hawkish positions and actions, including lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra affair.


Mike Pompeo, Donald Trump second secretary of state, has driven a hawkish foreign policy in Iran and Latin America.


Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.


Nikki Haley, Donald Trump’s first U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, is known for her lock-step support for Israel and is widely considered to be a future presidential candidate.


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From the Wires

François Nicoullaud, the former French ambassador to Iran, discusses the ups and downs of Iran-France relations and the new US sanctions.


Effective alliances require that powerful states shoulder a far larger share of the alliance maintenance costs than other states, a premise that Donald Trump rejects.


The new imbroglio over the INF treaty does not mean a revival of the old Cold War practice of nuclear deterrence. However, it does reveal the inability of the West and Russia to find a way to deal with the latter’s inevitable return to the ranks of major powers, a need that was obvious even at the time the USSR collapsed.


As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump appeared to recognize the obvious problem of the revolving door. But as the appointment of Patrick Shanahan, who spent 30 years at Boeing, as the Trump administration’s acting secretary of defense reveals, little has changed. America is indeed great again, if you happen to be one of those lucky enough to be moving back and forth between plum jobs in the Pentagon and the weapons industry.


Domestic troubles, declining popularity, and a decidedly hawkish anti-Iran foreign policy team may combine to make the perfect storm that pushes Donald Trump to pull the United States into a new war in the Middle East.


The same calculus that brought Iran and world powers to make a deal and has led remaining JCPOA signatories to preserve it without the U.S. still holds: the alternatives to this agreement – a race between sanctions and centrifuges that could culminate in Iran obtaining the bomb or being bombed – would be much worse.


With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll of course be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public. And he won’t care about the consequences.


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