Right Web

Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

Quitting the Mideast?; Daniel Pipes; the Al-Qaida Gambit

FEATURED ARTICLE Time to Ignore the Middle East? By Leon Hadar If a Democrat wins the 2008 presidency, one should not be surprised to discover that the major element in the neoconservative agenda—maintaining U.S. military and diplomatic hegemony in the Middle East—will likely remain alive and well, producing the never-ending vicious circle: more U.S. military…

FEATURED ARTICLE

Time to Ignore the Middle East?
By Leon Hadar

If a Democrat wins the 2008 presidency, one should not be surprised to discover that the major element in the neoconservative agenda—maintaining U.S. military and diplomatic hegemony in the Middle East—will likely remain alive and well, producing the never-ending vicious circle: more U.S. military interventions, leading to more anti-U.S. terrorism, resulting in more regime changes. It’s time for "constructive disengagement" from the Middle East. U.S. policymakers need to recognize that U.S. military intervention there only ignites anti-Americanism in the form of international terrorism . Read full story.

FEATURED PROFILES

Middle East Forum
The Middle East Forum, a creation of hardline neocon Daniel Pipes, champions U.S. intervention in the Middle East and knocks scholars who are critical of Israel.

Daniel Pipes
The scion of a long-standing neoconservative family, Pipes runs the anti-Islamist Middle East Forum and promotes efforts to discredit professors who are critical of Israel.

U.S. Committee for a Free Lebanon
The now largely defunct USCFL was part of a network of tightly linked hardline groups that helped champion an expansive war on terror in the wake of the 9/11 terror attacks.

Ziad Abdelnour
A private equity banker, Abdelnour has worked closely with neocons like Daniel Pipes to push for U.S. intervention in Syria.

ALSO NEW ON RIGHT WEB

The Al-Qaida Gambit?
By Gareth Porter

Blaming Tehran for al-Qaida attacks could be the gambit used by the United States to justify bombing Iran. Read full story.

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Featured Profiles

Zalmay Khalilzad is Donald Trump’s special representative to the Afghan peace process, having previously served as ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq under George W. Bush.


Robert Joseph played a key role in manipulating U.S. intelligence to support the invasion of Iraq and today is a lobbyist for the MEK.


Lindsey Graham (R-SC) is one of the Senate’s more vocal hawks, and one of the prime vacillators among Republicans between objecting to and supporting Donald Trump.


Elliott Abrams, the Trump administration’s special envoy to Venezuela, is a neoconservative with a long record of hawkish positions and actions, including lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra affair.


Mike Pompeo, Donald Trump second secretary of state, has driven a hawkish foreign policy in Iran and Latin America.


Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.


Nikki Haley, Donald Trump’s first U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, is known for her lock-step support for Israel and is widely considered to be a future presidential candidate.


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From the Wires

François Nicoullaud, the former French ambassador to Iran, discusses the ups and downs of Iran-France relations and the new US sanctions.


Effective alliances require that powerful states shoulder a far larger share of the alliance maintenance costs than other states, a premise that Donald Trump rejects.


The new imbroglio over the INF treaty does not mean a revival of the old Cold War practice of nuclear deterrence. However, it does reveal the inability of the West and Russia to find a way to deal with the latter’s inevitable return to the ranks of major powers, a need that was obvious even at the time the USSR collapsed.


As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump appeared to recognize the obvious problem of the revolving door. But as the appointment of Patrick Shanahan, who spent 30 years at Boeing, as the Trump administration’s acting secretary of defense reveals, little has changed. America is indeed great again, if you happen to be one of those lucky enough to be moving back and forth between plum jobs in the Pentagon and the weapons industry.


Domestic troubles, declining popularity, and a decidedly hawkish anti-Iran foreign policy team may combine to make the perfect storm that pushes Donald Trump to pull the United States into a new war in the Middle East.


The same calculus that brought Iran and world powers to make a deal and has led remaining JCPOA signatories to preserve it without the U.S. still holds: the alternatives to this agreement – a race between sanctions and centrifuges that could culminate in Iran obtaining the bomb or being bombed – would be much worse.


With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll of course be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public. And he won’t care about the consequences.


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