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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

"Disinformation" on Iran; the NIE Aftermath; Kenneth Timmerman; Eleana Benador; Conrad Bla

FEATURED ARTICLE

Whose Disinformation?
By Gareth Porter

High-level officials in the Bush administration, including Vice President Dick Cheney, bottled up the explosive new NIE on Iran, arguing that Iran was deliberately leaking disinformation and that Israel had intelligence pointing to a clandestine Iranian nuclear program. Read full story.

FEATURED PROFILES

Kenneth Timmerman
The intelligence community has been duped into thinking Iran has abandoned its nuclear weapons program,and "shadow warriors" are undermining the Bush administration from within, according to conservativewriter Ken Timmerman.

Eleana (Eliana) Benador
A publicist who helped promote a plank of neoconservative writers after 9/11, Benador has more recentlysaid that she aims to get out of politics because of the "uncertain political situation in America."

Conrad Black
Once a major media mogul closely aligned with rightist and hardline political factions in the UnitedStates, Black was sentenced to 6.5 years in prison in early December for bilking his shareholders outof millions.

Benador Associates
This now largely defunct speakers bureau and PR firm played an important role promoting neoconservativevoices in the U.S. media after 9/11.

Office of Special Plans
The new intelligence estimate on Iran might have been made possible because many of the neoconservativeofficials behind the Pentagon’s Office of Special Plans, which bypassed established intelligence channels,are no longer in the administration.

ALSO NEW ON RIGHT WEB

NIE Aftermath
By Khody Akhavi

Though the intelligence community has downgraded the threat of Iranian nukes, Bush administrationpolicy is unlikely to change course. Read full story.

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Featured Profiles

Bernard Lewis was a renowned historian of Islam and the Middle East who stirred controversy with his often chauvinistic attitude towards the Muslim world and his associations with high-profile neoconservatives and foreign policy hawks.


John Bolton, the controversial former U.S. ambassador to the UN and dyed-in the-wool foreign policy hawk, is President Trump’s National Security Adviser McMaster, reflecting a sharp move to the hawkish extreme by the administration.


Michael Joyce, who passed away in 2006, was once described by neoconservative guru Irving Kristol as the “godfather of modern philanthropy.”


Mike Pompeo, the Trump administration’s second secretary of state, is a long time foreign policy hawk and has led the public charge for an aggressive policy toward Iran.


Max Boot, neoconservative military historian at the Council on Foreign Relations, on Trump and Russia: “At every turn Trump is undercutting the ‘get tough on Russia’ message because he just can’t help himself, he just loves Putin too much.”


Michael Flynn is a former Trump administration National Security Advisor who was forced to step down only weeks on the job because of his controversial contacts with Russian officials before Trump took office.


Since taking office Donald Trump has revealed an erratic and extremely hawkish approach to U.S. foreign affairs, which has been marked by controversial actions like dropping out of the Iran nuclear agreement that have raised tensions across much of the world and threatened relations with key allies.


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From the Wires

Soon after a Saudi-led coalition strike on a bus killed 40 children on August 9, a CENTCOM spokesperson stated to Vox, “We may never know if the munition [used] was one that the U.S. sold to them.”


The West has dominated the post-war narrative with its doctrine of liberal values, arguing that not only were they right in themselves but that economic success itself depended on their application. Two developments have challenged those claims. The first was the West’s own betrayal of its principles: on too many occasions the self interest of the powerful, and disdain for the victims of collateral damage, has showed through. The second dates from more recently: the growth of Chinese capitalism owes nothing to a democratic system of government, let alone liberal values.


Falsely demonizing all Muslims, their beliefs, and their institutions is exactly the wrong way to make Americans safer, because the more we scare ourselves with imaginary enemies, the harder it will be to find and protect ourselves from real ones.


Division in the ranks of the conservative movement is a critical sign that a war with Iran isn’t inevitable.


Donald Trump stole the headlines, but the declaration from the recent NATO summit suggests the odds of an unnecessary conflict are rising. Instead of inviting a dialogue, the document boasts that the Alliance has “suspended all practical civilian and military cooperation between NATO and Russia.” The fact is, NATO was a child of the Cold War, when the West believed that the Soviets were a threat. But Russia today is not the Soviet Union, and there’s no way Moscow would be stupid enough to attack a superior military force.


War with Iran may not be imminent, but neither was war with Iraq in late 2001.


Donald Trump was one of the many bets the Russians routinely place, recognizing that while most such bets will never pay off a few will, often in unpredictable ways. Trump’s actions since taking office provide the strongest evidence that this one bet is paying off handsomely for the Russians. Putin could hardly have made the script for Trump’s conduct at the recent NATO meeting any more to his liking—and any better designed to foment division and distrust within the Western alliance—than the way Trump actually behaved.


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