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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

"Disinformation" on Iran; the NIE Aftermath; Kenneth Timmerman; Eleana Benador; Conrad Bla

FEATURED ARTICLE Whose Disinformation?By Gareth Porter High-level officials in the Bush administration, including Vice President Dick Cheney, bottled up the explosive new NIE on Iran, arguing that Iran was deliberately leaking disinformation and that Israel had intelligence pointing to a clandestine Iranian nuclear program. Read full story. FEATURED PROFILES Kenneth TimmermanThe intelligence community has been…

FEATURED ARTICLE

Whose Disinformation?
By Gareth Porter

High-level officials in the Bush administration, including Vice President Dick Cheney, bottled up the explosive new NIE on Iran, arguing that Iran was deliberately leaking disinformation and that Israel had intelligence pointing to a clandestine Iranian nuclear program. Read full story.

FEATURED PROFILES

Kenneth Timmerman
The intelligence community has been duped into thinking Iran has abandoned its nuclear weapons program,and "shadow warriors" are undermining the Bush administration from within, according to conservativewriter Ken Timmerman.

Eleana (Eliana) Benador
A publicist who helped promote a plank of neoconservative writers after 9/11, Benador has more recentlysaid that she aims to get out of politics because of the "uncertain political situation in America."

Conrad Black
Once a major media mogul closely aligned with rightist and hardline political factions in the UnitedStates, Black was sentenced to 6.5 years in prison in early December for bilking his shareholders outof millions.

Benador Associates
This now largely defunct speakers bureau and PR firm played an important role promoting neoconservativevoices in the U.S. media after 9/11.

Office of Special Plans
The new intelligence estimate on Iran might have been made possible because many of the neoconservativeofficials behind the Pentagon’s Office of Special Plans, which bypassed established intelligence channels,are no longer in the administration.

ALSO NEW ON RIGHT WEB

NIE Aftermath
By Khody Akhavi

Though the intelligence community has downgraded the threat of Iranian nukes, Bush administrationpolicy is unlikely to change course. Read full story.

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Featured Profiles

Zalmay Khalilzad is Donald Trump’s special representative to the Afghan peace process, having previously served as ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq under George W. Bush.


Robert Joseph played a key role in manipulating U.S. intelligence to support the invasion of Iraq and today is a lobbyist for the MEK.


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Mike Pompeo, Donald Trump second secretary of state, has driven a hawkish foreign policy in Iran and Latin America.


Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.


Nikki Haley, Donald Trump’s first U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, is known for her lock-step support for Israel and is widely considered to be a future presidential candidate.


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From the Wires

François Nicoullaud, the former French ambassador to Iran, discusses the ups and downs of Iran-France relations and the new US sanctions.


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The new imbroglio over the INF treaty does not mean a revival of the old Cold War practice of nuclear deterrence. However, it does reveal the inability of the West and Russia to find a way to deal with the latter’s inevitable return to the ranks of major powers, a need that was obvious even at the time the USSR collapsed.


As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump appeared to recognize the obvious problem of the revolving door. But as the appointment of Patrick Shanahan, who spent 30 years at Boeing, as the Trump administration’s acting secretary of defense reveals, little has changed. America is indeed great again, if you happen to be one of those lucky enough to be moving back and forth between plum jobs in the Pentagon and the weapons industry.


Domestic troubles, declining popularity, and a decidedly hawkish anti-Iran foreign policy team may combine to make the perfect storm that pushes Donald Trump to pull the United States into a new war in the Middle East.


The same calculus that brought Iran and world powers to make a deal and has led remaining JCPOA signatories to preserve it without the U.S. still holds: the alternatives to this agreement – a race between sanctions and centrifuges that could culminate in Iran obtaining the bomb or being bombed – would be much worse.


With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll of course be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public. And he won’t care about the consequences.


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