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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

Bauer, Krauthammer, Rice, and More

FEATURED PROFILES Amir Taheri Iranian-born writer Amir Taheri has a history of making suspicious claims about Iran that have been used by neoconservatives to bolster the case for attacking that country. The Israel Project The Israel Project is a “pro-Israel,” neoconservative-leaning lobby group that boasts a lengthy bipartisan cast of congressional “advisers.” Charles Krauthammer Charles…

FEATURED PROFILES

Amir Taheri

Iranian-born writer Amir Taheri has a history of making suspicious claims about Iran that have been used by neoconservatives to bolster the case for attacking that country.

The Israel Project

The Israel Project is a “pro-Israel,” neoconservative-leaning lobby group that boasts a lengthy bipartisan cast of congressional “advisers.”

Charles Krauthammer

Charles Krauthammer, a trailblazing neoconservative ideologue and an unapologetic advocate for U.S. overseas military adventures, has praised the Romney-Ryan ticket for its “philosophy of government.”

Josh Block

Josh Block, a self-described progressive Democrat who gained notoriety for accusing liberal critics of Israel of “borderline anti-Semitism,” now helms The Israel Project, a neoconservative-leaning lobby group that pushes a hawkish line U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East.

Condoleezza Rice

Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, a senior fellow at the conservative Hoover Institution, thinks that Mitt Romney will be a better hawk than President Obama.

Gary Bauer

Christian Zionist leader and former GOP presidential candidate Gary Bauer is among several right-wing leaders who have called for investigations into whether the U.S. government has been infiltrated by Islamic extremists.

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Featured Profiles

Zalmay Khalilzad is Donald Trump’s special representative to the Afghan peace process, having previously served as ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq under George W. Bush.


Robert Joseph played a key role in manipulating U.S. intelligence to support the invasion of Iraq and today is a lobbyist for the MEK.


Lindsey Graham (R-SC) is one of the Senate’s more vocal hawks, and one of the prime vacillators among Republicans between objecting to and supporting Donald Trump.


Elliott Abrams, the Trump administration’s special envoy to Venezuela, is a neoconservative with a long record of hawkish positions and actions, including lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra affair.


Mike Pompeo, Donald Trump second secretary of state, has driven a hawkish foreign policy in Iran and Latin America.


Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.


Nikki Haley, Donald Trump’s first U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, is known for her lock-step support for Israel and is widely considered to be a future presidential candidate.


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From the Wires

François Nicoullaud, the former French ambassador to Iran, discusses the ups and downs of Iran-France relations and the new US sanctions.


Effective alliances require that powerful states shoulder a far larger share of the alliance maintenance costs than other states, a premise that Donald Trump rejects.


The new imbroglio over the INF treaty does not mean a revival of the old Cold War practice of nuclear deterrence. However, it does reveal the inability of the West and Russia to find a way to deal with the latter’s inevitable return to the ranks of major powers, a need that was obvious even at the time the USSR collapsed.


As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump appeared to recognize the obvious problem of the revolving door. But as the appointment of Patrick Shanahan, who spent 30 years at Boeing, as the Trump administration’s acting secretary of defense reveals, little has changed. America is indeed great again, if you happen to be one of those lucky enough to be moving back and forth between plum jobs in the Pentagon and the weapons industry.


Domestic troubles, declining popularity, and a decidedly hawkish anti-Iran foreign policy team may combine to make the perfect storm that pushes Donald Trump to pull the United States into a new war in the Middle East.


The same calculus that brought Iran and world powers to make a deal and has led remaining JCPOA signatories to preserve it without the U.S. still holds: the alternatives to this agreement – a race between sanctions and centrifuges that could culminate in Iran obtaining the bomb or being bombed – would be much worse.


With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll of course be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public. And he won’t care about the consequences.


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