Right Web

Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

America’s Africa Misadventure; the Forgotten American Coalition; Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week; the

FEATURED ARTICLE America’s Africa MisadventureBy Najum Mushtaq In a region where a higher level of U.S. engagement is long overdue and should be welcomed by all quarters, the new U.S. Africa Command (Africom) has elicited widespread suspicion. Given its emphasis on the use of military power and its interventionist framework, Africom will in all likelihood…

FEATURED ARTICLE

America’s Africa Misadventure
By Najum Mushtaq

In a region where a higher level of U.S. engagement is long overdue and should be welcomed by all quarters, the new U.S. Africa Command (Africom) has elicited widespread suspicion. Given its emphasis on the use of military power and its interventionist framework, Africom will in all likelihood be counterproductive for U.S. strategic interests in the region; most African countries see military motives behind Washington’s rhetoric of peace, cooperation, and humanitarianism. Read full story.

FEATURED PROFILES

Akbar Atri
Could this Iranian exile dissident, who champions regime change in Iran through his work with groups like the Committee on the Present Danger, be the "Iranian Ahmed Chalabi"?

David Horowitz
The right-wing commentator known for his diatribes against liberals has designated the last week in October "Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week."

Committee on the Present Danger
Reinvented after 9/11 to promote an expansive "war on terror," this Cold War-era anti-communist outfit has, along with a host of other neoconservative-led pressure groups, recently set its sights on pushing U.S. intervention in Iran.

Forgotten American Coalition
According to its chair, Gary Bauer, the members of this new pro-war letterhead coalition—which include Christian Right leaders, neoconservatives, social conservatives, and hardline nationalists— "believe defeat at the hands of an ideology that worships death would be immoral."

Gary Becker
In his writings, the Nobel laureate and Hoover Institution fellow switches between free-market economic principles and hawkish support for the "war on terror."

ALSO NEW ON RIGHT WEB

Hillary’s "Soft Power"
By Jim Lobe

Potentially the next president, Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton espouses the benefits of "soft power" in U.S. foreign relations while leaving open the possibility of using hard power in Iran. Read full story.

Genocide Politics
By Khody Akhavi

While it has been quick to announce "genocide" in other parts of the world, the Bush administration sees a House resolution on the Armenian genocide as a threat to its prosecution of the "war on terror." Read full story.

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Featured Profiles

Zalmay Khalilzad is Donald Trump’s special representative to the Afghan peace process, having previously served as ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq under George W. Bush.


Robert Joseph played a key role in manipulating U.S. intelligence to support the invasion of Iraq and today is a lobbyist for the MEK.


Lindsey Graham (R-SC) is one of the Senate’s more vocal hawks, and one of the prime vacillators among Republicans between objecting to and supporting Donald Trump.


Elliott Abrams, the Trump administration’s special envoy to Venezuela, is a neoconservative with a long record of hawkish positions and actions, including lying to Congress about the Iran-Contra affair.


Mike Pompeo, Donald Trump second secretary of state, has driven a hawkish foreign policy in Iran and Latin America.


Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.


Nikki Haley, Donald Trump’s first U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, is known for her lock-step support for Israel and is widely considered to be a future presidential candidate.


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From the Wires

François Nicoullaud, the former French ambassador to Iran, discusses the ups and downs of Iran-France relations and the new US sanctions.


Effective alliances require that powerful states shoulder a far larger share of the alliance maintenance costs than other states, a premise that Donald Trump rejects.


The new imbroglio over the INF treaty does not mean a revival of the old Cold War practice of nuclear deterrence. However, it does reveal the inability of the West and Russia to find a way to deal with the latter’s inevitable return to the ranks of major powers, a need that was obvious even at the time the USSR collapsed.


As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump appeared to recognize the obvious problem of the revolving door. But as the appointment of Patrick Shanahan, who spent 30 years at Boeing, as the Trump administration’s acting secretary of defense reveals, little has changed. America is indeed great again, if you happen to be one of those lucky enough to be moving back and forth between plum jobs in the Pentagon and the weapons industry.


Domestic troubles, declining popularity, and a decidedly hawkish anti-Iran foreign policy team may combine to make the perfect storm that pushes Donald Trump to pull the United States into a new war in the Middle East.


The same calculus that brought Iran and world powers to make a deal and has led remaining JCPOA signatories to preserve it without the U.S. still holds: the alternatives to this agreement – a race between sanctions and centrifuges that could culminate in Iran obtaining the bomb or being bombed – would be much worse.


With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll of course be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public. And he won’t care about the consequences.


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