Right Web

Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

The Shadow of the U.S. Footprint

(Inter Press Service) It was neoconservative pundit Charles Krauthammer who, in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, inaugurated Washington's unipolar moment.. ...

(Inter Press Service)

It was neoconservative pundit Charles Krauthammer who, in the wake of the Soviet Union’s collapse, inaugurated Washington’s unipolar moment.

"America is no mere international citizen. It is the dominant power in the world, more dominant than any since Rome," he wrote then, before the Afghan and Iraq wars, before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, before Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay.

But the U.S. "moment" as an unchallenged superpower was just that–a moment, a finite period of time, 30 or 40 years to "reshape norms" and "alter expectations." In this new age of empire, Washington would "create reality."

How? "By unapologetic demonstrations of will," wrote Krauthammer.

Five years after President George W. Bush declared "mission accomplished" aboard the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln—and no apologies later—Washington’s hegemony in the Middle East has deteriorated, and along with it, the president’s popularity.

The neoconservatives’ utopian fantasies of a democratic Iraq have evaporated, as have notions of U.S. military invincibility. And as the U.S. policy crumbles, allies and "enemies" gather to pick up the pieces.

Brent Scowcroft, national security advisor to two U.S. presidents, conceded about Iraq in 2007, "We are being wrested to a draw by opponents who are not even an organized state adversary."

To understand how the United States arrived at its present condition, how things related and not became part of the same "axis of evil," and how neoconservatives’ "unapologetic will" morphed into Bush’s hubris and subsequent political failures, it behooves us to "keep the past in mind."

Especially as we look towards an uncertain future.

And that is exactly what Tom Engelhardt—of the popular blog TomDispatch.com—does. When it comes to the recent past, Englehardt tries "not to forget the remarkable record of the Bush administration in its various wars."

His most recent offering, titled The World According to TomDispatch: America in the New Age of Empire, is a collection of essays culled from the site over several years. It offers a striking portrait of the limitations of U.S. power in the post-9/11 world.

This collection is a factual rebuttal of the neoconservative argument for unilateral action and interventionism and will certainly ruffle the feathers of an administration and its supporters with an historical sense of the world, or one that extends—selectively—only to Pearl Harbor.

In this new age of empire, it is essential to read between the lines of political rhetoric. As Engelhardt writes in the introduction, "Despite much talk of ‘democracy’ and ‘liberty,’ a Hellfire-missile-armed Predator drone would perhaps be the truest hallmark of the early-twenty-first-century American civilization they presided over."

As author and editor, Engelhardt has provided the reader with sophisticated political analysis that includes essays, letters, correspondence, and dispatches by celebrated authors and intellectuals. It is accessible and poetic, unshackled by the turgid writing that keeps most academics on the fringe of mainstream discourse.

Whether he is scouring the Internet for statistics and buried news reports of U.S. air strikes, or searching for historical accounts on microfiche hidden in the recesses of the New York Public Library, Engelhardt digs deep. And in doing so, he sheds light on the sobering reality of the new age of empire, and its painful contradictions.

In a May 2006 essay, titled "The Billion Dollar Gravestone," he considers the Ground Zero memorial, the Freedom Tower to be built in the footprint of the original World Trade Center towers that is expected to reach exactly 1,776 feet into the sky.

The project, meant as a memorial to those who died on that fateful day, will cost anywhere between $500 million and $1 billion, a sum exponentially greater than any other U.S. war memorial.

In May 2006, when the number of U.S. soldiers killed in Afghanistan and Iraq exceeded 2,700, he asked, "Who thinks that the United States will ever spend $500 million, no less $1 billion, on a memorial to the ever-growing numbers of war dead from those two wars?"

Who thinks the United States will spend that much, now that more than 4,600 have died?

As the author writes, "What was built on Ground Zero will mainly memorialize a specific America that emerged from the rubble of 9/11."

Engelhardt’s work—and those items he selects from the blog—read like poetry. In the rapid-fire blogger world, he breaks the mold by sticking to the old ways: he writes essays. And his work has been strengthened by the addition of other fine contributions.

In one, celebrated intellectual and war critic Noam Chomsky asks, "What if Iran had invaded Mexico?" As he writes, a new study using "government and Rand Corporation data" reveals that, as of March 2007, the Iraq War has already led to a "sevenfold increase in terror," a statistic that invalidates the Bush administration’s claims to the contrary.

But most crucially, Chomsky turns mainstream discourse on its head, critiquing notions of objective truth and underscoring the limits of acceptable U.S. public debate. "The cruder of two systems leads, naturally enough to disbelief," he writes. "The sophisticated variant gives the impression of openness and freedom, and so far more effectively serves to instill the party line. It becomes beyond question, beyond thought itself, like the air we breathe."

Another essay, written by Chalmers Johnson and titled, "Smash of Civilizations," details the looting of antiquities in Baghdad, and the U.S. failure to stop it. "Our occupation forces were letting perhaps the greatest of all human patrimonies be looted and smashed," writes Johnson. (The editors and authors have dedicated a portion of the royalties from the book to the Iraqi State Board of Antiquities and Heritage.)

And the discussion extends beyond the Middle East. Other essays deal with U.S. plans in the Far East; the rearmament of "pacifist" Japan to offset Chinese interests; pseudo-states; the "tri-border" area in Latin America, where al Qaeda is rumored to be, but where the lack of evidence suggests it is not; gunboat diplomacy; personal accounts from Hamra Street in Beirut during the Israeli siege of Lebanon in the summer of 2006; comparisons between the U.S. discourse used to prosecute the "global war on terror" and, more than a century earlier, the American Indian wars.

Engelhardt and the other contributors to this book detail the Bush administration’s supersized response to the 9/11 attacks, reminding us of the past, providing a fuller picture to analyze America’s "moment."

On the night of the terrorist attacks, the president warned the citizenry of the United States that "our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there." With the U.S. footprint looming large over the world, does it make us any safer?

"Don’t be ridiculous," writes Engelhardt.

Khody Akhavi writes for the Inter Press Service.

Citations

Khody Akhavi , "The Shadow of the U.S. Footprint," Right Web, with permission from Inter Press Service (Somerville, MA: PRA, 2008). Web location:
/rw/4935.html Production Information:
Author(s): Right Web
Editor(s): Right Web
Production: Political Research Associates   IRC logo 1310 Broadway, #201, Somerville, MA   02144 | pra@publiceye.org

Share RightWeb

Featured Profiles

Update was slow, but still no lag in the editor window, and footnotes are intact.     This has been updated – Bernard Lewis, who passed away in May 2018, was a renowned British-American historian of Islam and the Middle East. A former British intelligence officer, Foreign Office staffer, and Princeton University professor, Lewis was…


Bernard Lewis was a renowned historian of Islam and the Middle East who stirred controversy with his often chauvinistic attitude towards the Muslim world and his associations with high-profile neoconservatives and foreign policy hawks.


John Bolton, the controversial former U.S. ambassador to the UN and dyed-in the-wool foreign policy hawk, is President Trump’s National Security Adviser McMaster, reflecting a sharp move to the hawkish extreme by the administration.


Michael Joyce, who passed away in 2006, was once described by neoconservative guru Irving Kristol as the “godfather of modern philanthropy.”


Mike Pompeo, the Trump administration’s second secretary of state, is a long time foreign policy hawk and has led the public charge for an aggressive policy toward Iran.


Max Boot, neoconservative military historian at the Council on Foreign Relations, on Trump and Russia: “At every turn Trump is undercutting the ‘get tough on Russia’ message because he just can’t help himself, he just loves Putin too much.”


Michael Flynn is a former Trump administration National Security Advisor who was forced to step down only weeks on the job because of his controversial contacts with Russian officials before Trump took office.


For media inquiries,
email rightwebproject@gmail.com

From the Wires

Trump is not the problem. Think of him instead as a summons to address the real problem, which in a nation ostensibly of, by, and for the people is the collective responsibility of the people themselves. For Americans to shirk that responsibility further will almost surely pave the way for more Trumps — or someone worse — to come.


The United Nations has once again turn into a battleground between the United States and Iran, which are experiencing one of the darkest moments in their bilateral relations.


In many ways, Donald Trump’s bellicosity, his militarism, his hectoring cant about American exceptionalism and national greatness, his bullying of allies—all of it makes him not an opponent of neoconservatism but its apotheosis. Trump is a logical culmination of the Bush era as consolidated by Obama.


For the past few decades the vast majority of private security companies like Blackwater and DynCorp operating internationally have come from a relatively small number of countries: the United States, Great Britain and other European countries, and Russia. But that seeming monopoly is opening up to new players, like DeWe Group, China Security and Protection Group, and Huaxin Zhongan Group. What they all have in common is that they are from China.


The Trump administration’s massive sales of tanks, helicopters, and fighter aircraft are indeed a grim wonder of the modern world and never receive the attention they truly deserve. However, a potentially deadlier aspect of the U.S. weapons trade receives even less attention than the sale of big-ticket items: the export of firearms, ammunition, and related equipment.


Soon after a Saudi-led coalition strike on a bus killed 40 children on August 9, a CENTCOM spokesperson stated to Vox, “We may never know if the munition [used] was one that the U.S. sold to them.”


The West has dominated the post-war narrative with its doctrine of liberal values, arguing that not only were they right in themselves but that economic success itself depended on their application. Two developments have challenged those claims. The first was the West’s own betrayal of its principles: on too many occasions the self interest of the powerful, and disdain for the victims of collateral damage, has showed through. The second dates from more recently: the growth of Chinese capitalism owes nothing to a democratic system of government, let alone liberal values.


RightWeb
share