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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

The Media War; The Jerusalem Summit and Friends

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The Media War
By Khody Akhavi | June 28, 2007

Despite signs that the neoconservative-led agenda to reshape the Middle East as part of the war on terror has fallen deeply out of favor in Washington, representatives of thispolitical faction have recently tightened their grip on several key aspects of the public diplomacy apparatus. Does this herald a new period of strictly ideological programming? Read full story.

Right Web Profile: Jeffrey Gedmin
The new head of Radio Free Europe, Gedmin is a longtime supporter of aggressive U.S. overseas policies, including the neoconservative-inspired agenda of reshaping the Middle East.


Jerusalem Summit
Bringing together Evangelicals, U.S. neoconservatives, and hardline pro-Israel figures from across the globe, this Israel-based outfit aims to prevent Palestinian statehood, stop "global Islamism," and ensure worldwide support for Israel.

SEE ALSO: Members of the Jerusalem Summit "Presidium" and Advisory Board

Right Web Profile: Sen. Sam Brownback (R-KS)

Right Web Profile: Morris Amitay

Right Web Profile: Daniel Pipes

Right Web Profile: Gary Bauer

Right Web Profile: Meyrav Wurmser

Right Web Profile: Dennis Prager

Right Web Profile: Hillel Fradkin

Right Web Profile: Rachel Ehrenfeld


"Whose Arms? Whose Agenda?"
By Gareth Porter | June 28, 2007

Is the Office of the Vice President behind recent allegations made by administration officials that categorically connect Iran to efforts to arm the Taliban? Read full story.

Right Web Profile: Richard Cheney
The secretive VP is pushing to bomb Iran and at the same time is fending off efforts to put his office under greater scrutiny, going so far as to propose abolishing the agency charged with such oversight.


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Featured Profiles

Rep. Mike Pompeo (R-KS), President Trump’s nominee for secretary of state to replace Rex Tillerson, is a “tea party” Republican who previously served as director of the CIA.

Richard Goldberg is a senior adviser at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies who served as a foreign policy aide to former Sen. Mark Kirk (R-IL).

Reuel Marc Gerecht, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, has been advocating regime change in Iran since even before 9/11.

John Hannah, Dick Cheney’s national security adviser, is now a leading advocate for regime change in both Iran and Syria based at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

Dennis Ross, a U.S. diplomat who served in the Obama administration, is a fellow at the “pro-Israel” Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Sheldon Adelson is a wealthy casino magnate known for his large, influential political contributions, his efforts to impact U.S. foreign policy discourse particularly among Republicans, and his ownership and ideological direction of media outlets.

Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.

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From the Wires

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North Korea and Iran both understand the lesson of Libya: Muammar Qaddafi, a horrifyingly brutal dictator, gave up his nuclear weapons, was eventually ousted from power with large-scale US assistance, and was killed. However, while Iran has a long and bitter history with the United States, North Korea’s outlook is shaped by its near-total destruction by forces led by the United States in the Korean War.

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Europe loathes having to choose between Tehran and Washington, and thus it will spare no efforts to avoid the choice. It might therefore opt for a middle road, trying to please both parties by persuading Trump to retain the accord and Iran to limit missile ballistic programs and regional activities.

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Key members of Trump’s cabinet should recognize the realism behind encouraging a Saudi- and Iranian-backed regional security agreement because the success of such an agreement would not only serve long-term U.S. interests, it could also have a positive impact on numerous conflicts in the Middle East.

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Given that Israel failed to defeat Hezbollah in its war in Lebanon in 2006, it’s difficult to imagine Israel succeeding in a war against both Hezbollah and its newfound regional network of Shiite allies. And at the same time not only is Hezbollah’s missile arsenal a lot larger and more dangerous than it was in 2006, but it has also gained vast experience alongside its allies in offensive operations against IS and similar groups.

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Donald Trump should never be excused of responsibility for tearing down the respect for truth, but a foundation for his flagrant falsifying is the fact that many people would rather be entertained, no matter how false is the source of their entertainment, than to confront truth that is boring or unsatisfying or that requires effort to understand.

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It would be a welcome change in twenty-first-century America if the reckless decision to throw yet more unbelievable sums of money at a Pentagon already vastly overfunded sparked a serious discussion about America’s hyper-militarized foreign policy.

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President Trump and his advisers ought to ask themselves whether it is in the U.S. interest to run the risk of Iranian withdrawal from the nuclear agreement. Seen from the other side of the Atlantic, running that risk looks dumb.