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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

The General Goes to Washington; William Schneider Jr.; Daniel Gouré, and More

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FEATURED ARTICLE

The Surge Scam: Getting Rid of the Goat
Commentary By Leon Hadar

A vague commitment to end the surge in Iraq, coupled with the supposed credibility of General Petraeus, could buy President Bush more time to pursue his military offensive in Iraq and leave the mess there to his successor in the White House. But anti-war critics question Petraeus’ credibility, arguing that he is not only identified with the failed U.S. strategy in Iraq but also that he has become a political ally of Bush and of Republicans. Democrats have failed to mount a serious challenge to Petraeus, allowing him, and by extension the Bush administration, to set the terms of the current debate on Iraq. Read full story.

FEATURED PROFILES

Daniel Gouré
The conservative vice president of the Lexington Institute maintains close ties with defense contractors while pushing controversial weapons programs in the media.

Richard Pipes
An important early neoconservative and Team B player who pushed flimsy evidence of supposed Soviet threats, Pipes remains a proponent of hardline foreign policies.

William Schneider Jr.
A corporate executive and longtime government insider who has served in a number of advisory posts during the Bush presidency, Schneider has supported the work of the Center for Security policy and other hardline advocacy groups.

John Foster Jr.
A key proponent of new nuclear weapons development within the Bush administration, Foster doubles as a defense contractor exec and advocate of hardline defense policies.

ALSO NEW ON RIGHT WEB

Pushing the Surge
By Eli Clifton

Against a backdrop of dwindling domestic and international support for the ongoing U.S. presence in Iraq, neocons are vociferously touting Gen. David Petraeus’ final report to Congress. Read full story.

Surge Expansion?
By Khody Akhavi

The same day that General Petraeus gave Congress his Iraq surge report, neoconservatives took aim at what they hope will be the next military target: Iran. Read full story.

A Different Tack
By Gareth Porter

Israel thought Iran was the better target for the United States, according to one administration official. Read full story.

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Featured Profiles

Although sometimes characterized as a Republican “maverick” for his bipartisan forays into domestic policy, Lindsey Graham (R-SC) is one of the Senate’s more vocal hawks.


Former CIA director Michael Hayden, a stalwart advocate of the Bush-era policies on torture and warrantless wiretapping, has been a vocal critic of Donald Trump


The former GOP presidential candidate and Speaker of the House has been a vociferous proponent of the idea that the America faces an existential threat from “Islamofascists.”


David Albright is the founder of the Institute for Science and International Security, a non-proliferation think tank whose influential analyses of nuclear proliferation issues in the Middle East have been the source of intense disagreement and debate.


A right-wing Christian and governor of Kansas, Brownback previously served in the U.S. Senate, where he gained a reputation as a leading social conservative as well as an outspoken “pro-Israel” hawk on U.S. Middle East policy.


Steve Forbes, head of the Forbes magazine empire, is an active supporter of a number of militarist policy organizations that have pushed for aggressive U.S. foreign policies.


Stephen Hadley, an Iraq War hawk and former national security adviser to President George W. Bush, now chairs the U.S. Institute for Peace.


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From the Wires

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The Trump administration appears to have been surprised by this breach among its friends in the critical Gulf strategic area. But it is difficult to envision an effective U.S. role in rebuilding this Humpty-Dumpty.


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A recent vote in the European Parliament shows how President Trump’s relentless hostility to Iran is likely to isolate Washington more than Tehran.


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The head of the Institute for Science and International Security—aka “the Good ISIS”—recently demonstrated again his penchant for using sloppy analysis as a basis for politically explosive charges about Iran, in this case using a faulty translation from Persian to misleadingly question whether Tehran is “mass producing advanced gas centrifuges.”


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Trump has exhibited a general preference for authoritarians over democrats, and that preference already has had impact on his foreign policy. Such an inclination has no more to do with realism than does a general preference for democrats over authoritarians.


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The President went to the region as a deal maker and a salesman for American weapon manufacturing. He talked about Islam, terrorism, Iran, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict without the benefit of expert advice in any of these areas. After great showmanship in Riyadh, Jerusalem, and Bethlehem, he and his family left the region without much to show for or to benefit the people of that war-torn region.


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Although the Comey memo scandal may well turn out to be what brings Trump down, this breach of trust may have had more lasting effect than any of Trump’s other numerous misadventures. It was an unprecedented betrayal of Israel’s confidence. Ironically, Trump has now done what even Barack Obama’s biggest detractors never accused him of: seriously compromised Israel’s security relationship with the United States.


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Congress and the public acquiesce in another military intervention or a sharp escalation of one of the U.S. wars already under way, perhaps it’s time to finally consider the true costs of war, American-style — in lives lost, dollars spent, and opportunities squandered. It’s a reasonable bet that never in history has a society spent more on war and gotten less bang for its copious bucks.


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