Right Web

Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

The Africa Cadre; Eliot Cohen and World War IV; Nina Shea and Christian Persecution

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Africa: The Right’s Stuff
By Conn Hallinan | March 7, 2007

A seasoned cadre of neoconservatives and right-wingers have latched on to the human rights issue in Sudan, pushing an agenda that favors military over political solutions. It is hard not to conclude that the Bush administration’s strategy for Africa is less about freedom and God than about oil and earthly power. Read full story.


Right Web Profile: Nina Shea
The Hudson Institute scholar, who supported the Contra wars in the 1980s, sees religious persecution as a powerful reason to advocate U.S. intervention in foreign countries, including Sudan.


Right Web Profile: Eliot Cohen
The new counselor at State believes the United States is fighting World War IV, and he has little patience for diplomacy—or for giving generals too much power in a war he pushed for.

Right Web Profile: Robert Joseph
Joseph, a supporter of preemptive military strikes, missile defense, and gunship diplomacy, is the latest hardliner to resign from the Bush administration.

Rice Picks Promoter of Iraq War as Counselor
By Jim Lobe | March 6, 2007

Shortly after Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice helped produce impressive diplomatic breakthroughs with U.S. "adversaries," she hired a prominent neoconservative hawk to be her counselor. What gives? Read full story.

Leveraging the Surge
By Gareth Porter | March 6, 2007

Bush’s decision to surge troop levels in Iraq seems closely linked to a complex U.S. bargaining game aimed more at Iran than at Iraqi insurgents. Read full story.

A "New Diplomatic Offensive"?
By Jim Lobe | March 5, 2007

Does the State Department’s call to engage Iran mark a strategic shift that could reverse the recent U.S. trajectory toward confronting Tehran, or is it a tactical move designed to soothe an increasingly anxious Congress? Read full story.

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Featured Profiles

Rep. Mike Pompeo (R-KS), President Trump’s nominee for secretary of state to replace Rex Tillerson, is a “tea party” Republican who previously served as director of the CIA.

Richard Goldberg is a senior adviser at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies who served as a foreign policy aide to former Sen. Mark Kirk (R-IL).

Reuel Marc Gerecht, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, has been advocating regime change in Iran since even before 9/11.

John Hannah, Dick Cheney’s national security adviser, is now a leading advocate for regime change in both Iran and Syria based at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

Dennis Ross, a U.S. diplomat who served in the Obama administration, is a fellow at the “pro-Israel” Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Sheldon Adelson is a wealthy casino magnate known for his large, influential political contributions, his efforts to impact U.S. foreign policy discourse particularly among Republicans, and his ownership and ideological direction of media outlets.

Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) is known for his hawkish views on foreign policy and close ties to prominent neoconservatives.

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From the Wires

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North Korea and Iran both understand the lesson of Libya: Muammar Qaddafi, a horrifyingly brutal dictator, gave up his nuclear weapons, was eventually ousted from power with large-scale US assistance, and was killed. However, while Iran has a long and bitter history with the United States, North Korea’s outlook is shaped by its near-total destruction by forces led by the United States in the Korean War.

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Europe loathes having to choose between Tehran and Washington, and thus it will spare no efforts to avoid the choice. It might therefore opt for a middle road, trying to please both parties by persuading Trump to retain the accord and Iran to limit missile ballistic programs and regional activities.

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Key members of Trump’s cabinet should recognize the realism behind encouraging a Saudi- and Iranian-backed regional security agreement because the success of such an agreement would not only serve long-term U.S. interests, it could also have a positive impact on numerous conflicts in the Middle East.

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Given that Israel failed to defeat Hezbollah in its war in Lebanon in 2006, it’s difficult to imagine Israel succeeding in a war against both Hezbollah and its newfound regional network of Shiite allies. And at the same time not only is Hezbollah’s missile arsenal a lot larger and more dangerous than it was in 2006, but it has also gained vast experience alongside its allies in offensive operations against IS and similar groups.

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Donald Trump should never be excused of responsibility for tearing down the respect for truth, but a foundation for his flagrant falsifying is the fact that many people would rather be entertained, no matter how false is the source of their entertainment, than to confront truth that is boring or unsatisfying or that requires effort to understand.

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It would be a welcome change in twenty-first-century America if the reckless decision to throw yet more unbelievable sums of money at a Pentagon already vastly overfunded sparked a serious discussion about America’s hyper-militarized foreign policy.

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President Trump and his advisers ought to ask themselves whether it is in the U.S. interest to run the risk of Iranian withdrawal from the nuclear agreement. Seen from the other side of the Atlantic, running that risk looks dumb.