Until late October 2007, the accepted explanation about the September 6 Israeli airstrike in Syria,
constructed in a series of press leaks from U.S. officials, was that it was prompted by dramatic
satellite intelligence that Syria was building a nuclear facility with help from North Korea.
But new satellite evidence has discredited that narrative, suggesting a more plausible explanation
for the strike: that it was a calculated effort by Israel and the United States to convince Iran that
its nuclear facilities could be attacked as well.
The narrative, promoted by neoconservatives in the George W. Bush administration, began to unravel
in late October with the release by a private company of a series of satellite images showing that
the same square, multi-story building that was hit by Israeli planes on September 6 had been present
on the site four years earlier. Although the building appears to be somewhat farther along in an August
2007 image, it showed that the only major new developments at the site since September 2003 were what
appears to be a pumping station on the Euphrates and a smaller secondary structure.
Media reports based on leaks from administration officials had suggested that the presence of a water
pump indicated that the building must have been a nuclear reactor. But Jeffrey Lewis, a specialist
on nuclear technology at the New America Foundation, pointed out in an interview with Inter Press Service
(IPS) that the existence of a water pump cannot be taken as evidence of the purpose of the building,
since other kinds of industrial buildings would also need to pump water.
The campaign of press leaks portraying the attack as related to an alleged nuclear weapons program
assisted by North Korea began almost immediately after the Israeli strike. On September 11, a Bush
administration official told the New York Times that Israel had obtained intelligence from "reconnaissance
flights" over Syria showing "possible nuclear installations that Israeli officials believed
might have been supplied with material from North Korea."
The Bush administration officials leaking this account to the press apparently hoped to shoot down
the administration's announced policy, pushed by Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice, of going ahead with an agreement to provide food and fuel aid to North Korea in exchange
for the dismantling of its nuclear program. They had lost an earlier battle over that policy and hoped
to use the Israeli strike story as a new argument against it.
The officials seemingly did not want the intelligence community involved in assessing the alleged
new evidence, suggesting that they knew it would not withstand expert scrutiny. Glenn Kessler reported
in the Washington Post September 13 that the "dramatic satellite imagery" provided
by Israel had been restricted to "a few senior officials" and not disseminated to the intelligence
community, on orders from National Security Adviser Stephen
Hadley.
The intelligence community had opposed a previous neoconservative effort in 2002-2003 to claim evidence
of a Syrian nuclear program at the same site. A senior U.S. intelligence official confirmed to the New
York Times on October 30 that U.S. intelligence analysts had been aware of the Syrian site in
question "from the beginning"—meaning from before 2003—but had not been convinced that it
was an indication of an active nuclear program.
In 2002, John Bolton, then undersecretary
of state for arms control and international security, wanted to go public with an accusation that Syria
was seeking a nuclear weapons program, but the intelligence community rejected the claim. A State Department
intelligence analyst had called Bolton's assertion that Syria was interested in nuclear weapons technology "a
stretch" and other elements of the community also challenged it, according to a Senate Foreign
Relations Committee report.
The attack on the site was an obvious demonstration of Israeli military dominance over Syria, generally
considered a vital ally of Iran by Israeli and U.S. officials. It was also in line with the general
approach of using force against Syria that Dick
Cheney and his allies in the administration had urged on Israel before and during the war against
Hezbollah in Lebanon in summer 2006.
During the war, Deputy National Security Adviser Elliott
Abrams told a senior Israeli official that the Bush administration would not object if Israel "chose
to extend the war beyond to its other northern neighbor," leaving no doubt he meant for Israel
to attack Syria, IPS reported last December. David
Wurmser's wife, Meyrav Wurmser, director
of the neoconservative Hudson Institute's
Center for Middle East Policy, told Israel's Ynet News in December 2006 that, "Many parts of
the American administration believed that Israel should have fought against the real enemy, which
is Syria and not Hezbollah." She said such an attack on Syria would have been "such a harsh
blow for Iran that it would have weakened it and changed the strategic map in the Middle East."
Both Israeli and U.S. officials dropped hints soon after the Israeli raid that it was aimed at sending
a message to Iran. Ten days after the raid, Israeli's military intelligence chief Amos Yadlin declared
to a parliamentary committee: "Israel's deterrence has been rehabilitated since the Lebanon war,
and it affects the entire regional system, including Iran and Syria."
Although he did not refer explicitly to the strike in Syria, the fact that the Syrian raid was the
only event that could possibly have been regarded as restoring Israel's strategic credibility left
little doubt as to the meaning of the reference.
That same day, Reuters quoted an unnamed U.S. Defense Department official as saying that the significance
of the strike "was not whether Israel hit its targets, but rather that it displayed a willingness
to take military action."
On September 18, former undersecretary and ex-UN ambassador Bolton was quoted by JTA, a Jewish news
service, as saying, "We're talking about a clear message to Iran—Israel has the right to self-defense—and
that includes offensive operations against WMD facilities that pose a threat to Israel. The United
States would justify such attacks."
On October 7, Washington Post columnist David Ignatius, who enjoys access to top administration
officials, quoted an unnamed official as providing the official explanation for the Israeli attack
as targeting "nuclear materials supplied to Syria by North Korea."
But then, without quoting the official directly, Ignatius reported the official's description of the
raid's implicit message: "[T]he message to Iran is clear: America and Israel can identify nuclear
targets and penetrate air defenses to destroy them."
The official's suggestion that the strike was a joint U.S.-Israeli message about a joint policy toward
striking Iran's nuclear sites was the clearest indication that the primary objective of the strike
was to intimidate Iran at a time when both Israel and the Cheney faction of the Bush administration
were finding it increasingly difficult to do so.
Gareth Porter is a historian and national security policy analyst. His latest book, Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam, was published in June 2005.