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Tracking militarists’ efforts to influence U.S. foreign policy

PNAC Contributors and Signatories from the Reagan Administration

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Elliott Abrams
State Department: Asst. Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, Asst. Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs, Asst. Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs

Kenneth Adelman
Deputy Representative to United Nations; Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Director

Richard V. Allen
Deputy Assistant to the President for International Economic Affairs; National Security Advisor

Martin Anderson
Assistant to President for Policy Development

Gary Bauer
White House Office of Policy Development, Asst. Director for Legal Policy; Under Secretary of Education, Deputy Under Secretary of Education for Planning, Budget, and Evaluation

William Bennett
National Endowment for the Humanities, Chairman; Secretary of Education

Jeffrey Bergner
Staff Director, Senate Foreign Relations Committee

John Bolton
State Department, Justice, and USAID (Various Staff Positions)

Frank Carlucci
Secretary of Defense; National Security Advisor 

Seth Cropsey
Deputy Under Secretary of Navy

Paula Dobriansky
Deputy Asst. Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs; National Security Council Office of European and Soviet Affairs

Aaron Friedberg
Consultant to National Security Council

Frank Gaffney
Asst. Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy; Deputy Asst. Secretary of Defense for Nuclear Forces and Arms Control Policy (under Richard Perle)

Reuel Marc Gerecht
Middle East Specialist, CIA; Political Officer, Department of State

Charles Hill
Director of Israel and Arab-Israeli Affairs (1981); Deputy Asst. Secretary for Middle East (1982); Chief of Staff, State Department (1983); Executive Aide to Secretary of State Charles Schultz (1985-89)

Fred C. Iklé
Under Secretary of Defense for Policy; Commission on Integrated Long-Term Strategy

Bruce Jackson
Military Intelligence Officer, Department of Defense

Eli S. Jacobs
General Advisory Committee, U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

Michael Joyce
Presidential Transition Team, 1980

Robert Kagan
Policy Planning Office, Department of State; Deputy for Policy, State Department Bureau of Inter-American Affairs; Principal Speechwriter for Secretary of State George Schultz

Max Kampelman
Ambassador to Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe; Chief Negotiator, Nuclear and Space Arms with Soviet Union

Zalmay Khalilzad
Policy Planning Council, Department of State (under Wolfowitz); Special Advisor to the Under Secretary of State

Jeane J. Kirkpatrick
Ambassador to UN; President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (1985-90); Defense Policy Review Board (1985-93) 

William Kristol
Department of Education under Bill Bennett

John F. Lehman
Secretary of the Navy

I. Lewis Libby
Director of Special Projects in State Dept. Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs; House Select Committee on U.S. National Security and Military/Industrial Concerns with China; "Cox Committee" Legal Advisor

Richard Perle
Asst. Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy (1981-87)

Richard Pipes
National Security Council, Staff

Peter Rodman
State Department Policy Planning Staff, Director; Advisor to Secretary of State George Schultz; Deputy Asst. to President for National Security Affairs (1986-87); Special Asst. to President for National Security Affairs (1986-90); National Security Council (1987-90)

Donald Rumsfeld
Presidential Envoy to Middle East (1983-84); President's General Advisory Committee on Arms Control; Presidential Envoy on Law of the Sea Treaty; Senior Advisor, Panel on Strategic Systems; U.S. Joint Advisory Commission on U.S./Japan Relations

Gary Schmitt
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, Executive Director (1984-88); Consultant for Department of Defense; Minority Staff Director, Senate Select Committee on Intelligence

William Schneider Jr.
Under Secretary of State for Security Assistance (1982-86); President's General Advisory Committee on Arms Control and Disarmament, Chairman (1987-93)

Abram Shulsky
Staff, Senate Intelligence Committee; Staff of Asst. Secretary of Defense Richard Perle

Paul Wolfowitz
U.S. Ambassador to Indonesia (1986-89); Asst. Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs (1982-86); State Department Policy Planning Staff (1981-82)

James Woolsey
Delegate-at-Large, U.S.-Soviet START and Nuclear and Space Arms Talks; Presidential Commission on Strategic Forces; Presidential Blue Ribbon Commission on Defense Management

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Erik Prince is the former CEO of Blackwater, which critics have called “a modern-day mercenary army.” Prince, who continues to sell security services around the world and has supported numerous right-wing causes, has become embroiled in the investigation into alleged collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign.


Rudolph Giuliani is a lawyer and Republican politician who was mayor of New York City from 1994-2001. A foreign policy hawk and vocal supporter of Donald Trump, Giuliani recently joined Trump’s legal team to add pressure on the special council to wrap up the investigation into alleged collusion with Russia in U.S. elections.


Bernard Marcus, the billionaire co-founder of The Home Depot, is a major funder of neoconservative, anti-Iran and pro-Likud causes and public figures.


David Makovsky, a fellow at the “pro-Israel” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, has been hawk on Iran, but largely quiet since Trump took office.


Casino magnate Sheldon Adelson is an important financial backer of conservative politicians and right-wing “pro-Israel” groups. Although at one time a Donald Trump skeptic, Adelson has seen his investment in Trump pay off as the president has made highly controversial moves on two issues that are priorities for Adelson, withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal and moving the U.S. embassy in Israel to Jerusalem.


Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AR) is an outspoken promoter of aggressive U.S. foreign policies whose comments often combine right-wing Republican populism and neoconservativism.


I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby, a key neoconservative figure and former chief of staff to Vice President Dick Cheney, was convicted as part of the investigation into the outing of CIA operative Valerie Plame’s and later pardoned by Donald Trump.


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Israel, which is not a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, is paradoxically among the principal beneficiaries of the Iran deal, which has blocked a new candidate’s (Iran) access to the regional nuclear club, lifted an existential threat off its neck, and prevented a domino effect of a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. Israel could lose all of these if the move to terminate the JCPOA is successful.


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The US is suffering from the delusions of a hegemonic power that can no longer impose its will on other nations yet refuses to acknowledge the new reality. It has now manufactured another unnecessary, destructive, and imprudent crisis with Iran, which is bound to bring a future clash between US and Iran to the detriment of world peace.


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Significant numbers of military combat operations across the globe are being outsourced to the private sector with little accountability, including in Syria where both Russia and the United States have put contractors to war.


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Among the many disturbing images from the ceremony redesignating a U.S. consulate building in Jerusalem as the new U.S. embassy was the participation of two bigoted American preachers, Robert Jeffress and John Hagee, which reveals just how far removed the issue has become from any presumed effort to provide succor or shelter to a historically persecuted religious minority. Only dogma and raw power remain.


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The costs of America’s “war on terror,” still spreading in the Trump era, are incalculable. Just look at photos of the cities of Ramadi or Mosul in Iraq, Raqqa or Aleppo in Syria, Sirte in Libya, or Marawi in the southern Philippines, all in ruins in the wake of the conflicts Washington set off in the post–9/11 years, and try to put a price on them. That number is not included in the $5.6 trillion that the “Costs of War Project” at Brown University’s Watson Institute estimates has been spent since September 12, 2001.


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President Trump is a very powerful boat with no rudder. Unfortunately, John Bolton is now his rudder. Which effectively means, when it comes to foreign policy, that it’s Bolton’s administration now.


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Given the chaotic policymaking process in the White House, Iran policy will likely be implemented in an ad hoc fashion subject to the interplay between President Trump’s continued incoherence and a drive toward confrontation pushed primarily by John Bolton.


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