A career diplomat and foreign policy operative, Eric S. Edelman
is slated to replace the controversial Douglas
Feith at the Pentagon as the new undersecretary of defense
for policy. Many observers had wrongly assumed that Edelman would
become Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice's top deputy. Instead Rice named former U.S. Trade Representative
Robert Zoellick as Deputy Secretary of State. (4) (5)
As a career Foreign Service officer, Edelman has been less outspoken
than his predecessor and, unlike Feith, not directly connected
with many of the neoconservative organizations, such as the Jewish
Institute for National Security Affairs and Center
for Security Policy, with which Feith was associated. However,
Edelman will bring with him to the DOD post his own political baggage
and radical ideological views.
During his government career, Edelman has shuttled back and forth
between the State Department and DOD. His latest assignment was
as ambassador to Turkey, where he gained a reputation as a meddlesome
critic of the Turkish government at a time when anti-Americanism
began flaring up throughout the country.
President Bush named Edelman ambassador to Turkey a few months
after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in March 2003. The Pentagon had
been counting on Turkey to provide a backdoor into Iraq for its
invasion force, but despite repeated entreaties by Deputy Defense
Secretary Paul
Wolfowitz, Ankara declined to provide the access into northern
Iraq that the Pentagon coveted. After the Turkish parliament rejected
the Pentagon's request on March 1, 2003, Wolfowitz met with the
country's military leaders in an attempt to reverse the decision.
Serving at the time as Vice President Cheney's
national security adviser, Edelman assumed the ambassadorship in
Ankara in July 2003. It was widely speculated that Edelman was
named to this key post not only because of his close ties to Washington's
war party but also due to his family connections to Turkey. Edelman's
grandmother fled Russia in the early 1920s, and his mother was
born in Turkey. His great uncle taught at Ankara University. (1)
(2) (3)
Rather than improving U.S.-Turkish relations, Edelman's two-year
stay in Ankara was a lightning rod for deepening anti-U.S. sentiment
in Turkey. Typical of the anti-U.S. and anti-Edelman sentiment
in the media was an assessment by columnist Ibrahim Karagul that "Edelman
is probably the least-liked and trusted American ambassador in
Turkish history."
In his column in Yeni Safak, Karagul wrote: "Considering
the range of his activities, his statements which violate the decorum
of democracy, and his interest in Turkey's internal affairs, Eric
Edelman acts more like a colonial governor than an ambassador.
Edelman's actions have exceeded his diplomatic mission. His 'interest'
in nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), the Turkish media, and
ethnic minorities make him go beyond his role as an ambassador.
His presence here has never contributed to Turkish-American relations,
and it never will. If we want to address the reasons for anti-Americanism,
Edelman must be issue one. As long as Edelman stays in Turkey,
the chill wind disturbing bilateral relations will last."
Another prominent columnist, Can Dsündar, wrote an article
in Milliyet entitled, "Persona Non Grata," in which he
observed: "If Turkey today is the leader in the race of 'America-hating
countries,' Edelman is a major part of it." (12)
As the war and occupation in Iraq went badly for the United States,
the U.S. government blamed Turkey for failing to join the "coalition
of the willing." DOD chief Donald
Rumsfeld told Fox News on March 20, 2005 that "the insurgency
today would be less" if Turkey had cooperated with U.S. invasion
plans. "Given the level of the insurgency today, two years
later, clearly, if we had been able to get the Fourth Infantry
Division in from the north through Turkey, more of the Iraqi Saddam
Hussein Ba'athist regime would have been captured or killed," said
Rumsfeld.
Washington also charged that Turkey viewed "liberated" Iraq
with increasing hostility. As tensions with Syria increased, rather
than siding with the United States, Turkey increased its contacts
with the besieged regime of President Bashar Assad. A turning point
in Syrian-Turkey relations was Assad's visit to Ankara in 2004.
(7) (8)
Turkey refused to support the U.S. government's and France's
demand that Syria remove all its troops from Lebanon. Many in Turkey
believe that Washington has attempted to "franchise" what
is increasingly called the "Cedar revolution" in Lebanon.
Stepping into the fray, Edelman said, "What can be said on
Syria is that the international community is completely unanimous
on UN Security Council Resolution 1559," which calls on Syria
immediately to withdraw its troops from Lebanon. "We hope
Turkey will join the international community," said Edelman.
Like many other top officials of the Bush administration's foreign
policy team, Edelman began his government career in the Reagan
administration. While completing his doctorate in history at Yale
University, Edelman joined the U.S. Middle East Delegation to the
West Bank/Gaza Autonomy Talks. He then became a special assistant
to Secretary of State George
Shultz. In 1990 Edelman moved from the State Department to
the Pentagon, where he officially served as assistant deputy undersecretary
of defense for Soviet and East European affairs.
Edelman served under Cheney during the administration of Bush
pere. At that time he worked as part of a team headed by Paul Wolfowitz
that was charged with formulating a Defense
Policy Guidance that would serve as the post-Cold War framework
for U.S. military strategy. Others working on the draft grand strategy
were Zalmay
Khalilzad and I.
Lewis Libby, Cheney's chief of staff. According to Nicholas
Lehman, writing in the New Yorker, this team picked by Cheney was "generally
speaking, a cohesive group of conservatives who regard themselves
as bigger-thinking, tougher-minded, and intellectually bolder than
most other people in Washington." (9) In the draft Defense
Policy Guidance, Wolfowitz and team laid out a policy agenda for
U.S. military power that stipulated that the U.S. should wage preventive
war to maintain unchallenged U.S. military supremacy.
During the Clinton administration, Edelman moved back to the
State Department. As ambassador-at-large and special adviser to
the secretary of state on the Newly Independent States, Edelman
oversaw defense, security, and space issues.
Vice President Cheney brought Edelman back under his wing as
principal deputy assistant for national security affairs. As an
assistant to Cheney, he was part of the foreign policy network
that hurriedly established the "intelligence" rationales
for the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Edelman, who is close to such leading
neocons as Michael
Ledeen and Richard
Perle, worked closely in the vice president's office with Scooter
Libby in establishing a policy network of hawks and neocons that
was based at the Pentagon and Cheney's office but extended through
key figures into State, the various intelligence agencies, and
the National Security Council. (6)
Replacing Douglas Feith with Edelman allows the radicals running
U.S. foreign policy to leave behind the controversies building around
Feith and get a relatively clean start with a new undersecretary
of defense for planning.