The Obama administration is preparing a new batch of sanctions against Iran to be announced in advance of upcoming nuclear talks in Turkey.
Barbara Slavin, last updated: December 17, 2010
Inter Press Service
The Barack Obama administration is preparing a new batch of sanctions against Iran to be announced next week in advance of nuclear talks in Turkey.
Two Iran experts in Washington who are usually well briefed about U.S. Iran policy said more Iranian officials would be designated as abusers of human rights on top of eight sanctioned earlier this year. That would deny them the right to travel to the U.S. and freeze any assets they might hold in this country.
Gary Samore, White House coordinator on non-proliferation, told a neoconservative organisation, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, last week that the U.S. would "maintain and even increase pressure" against Iran so long as negotiations produced no progress on curbing Iran's nuclear programme.
Asked by IPS if that meant new punishments before a meeting expected in January in Istanbul, Samore said, "I think it would be an important message to send to take additional measures."
U.S. officials have described two days of talks with Iran in Geneva last week – the first in more than a year - as underwhelming. Samore said there had been "no visible progress".
Another U.S. official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the Iranian delegation, led by national security adviser Saeed Jalili, spent most of the time in "political posturing". Unlike last year's session, there was no one-on- one meeting between Jalili and the top U.S. representative, undersecretary of State Bill Burns.
However, U.S. officials remain hopeful that at the least, sanctions will slow Iran's nuclear progress, and at best, change Iran's cost-benefit analysis regarding a programme with potential military applications.
"I believe that if the cost is high enough, they will accept suspension" of their uranium enrichment programme, Samore said last week.
Iranian officials have given no indication of such flexibility. In fact, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has said repeatedly that he will not suspend enrichment of uranium, which has given Iran a stockpile of more than 3,000 kilogrammes of lightly processed nuclear fuel.
U.S. officials this week were trying to understand what impact if any the forced exit of Iranian Foreign Minister Manuchehr Mottaki would have on negotiations.
Mottaki is to be replaced by Ali Akbar Salehi, the head of Iran's Atomic Energy Organisation. Educated in the United States at M.I.T., Salehi is certainly well versed in nuclear matters. But the abrupt manner of his appointment – while Mottaki was on a diplomatic mission in Africa - has further alienated Iranian conservatives who are increasingly worried by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's consolidation of power and who blocked a tentative nuclear deal last year.
Trita Parsi, head of the National Iranian American Council and a scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, called the substitution of Salehi for Mottaki "a mixed bag". If Iran is serious about a resolution of the nuclear dispute, Salehi could be an asset, Parsi said, but he might be weaker on other issues.
There was a flurry of negative reaction to the move even in Iran's highly restricted press. This is despite the fact that Mottaki has been more spokesman than player in Iranian foreign affairs throughout his five-year tenure and especially since disputed 2009 presidential elections.
At a conference in Bahrain earlier this month, he literally ran away from U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton. At the same time, he described as positive Clinton's remarks that Iran might be allowed to enrich uranium at some point in the future – if it satisfied international concerns.
The Obama administration has focused on the nuclear issue with Iran, but has also sought to show concern for human rights in the wake of a brutal government crackdown on protestors following last year's elections.
In September, the White House designated eight Iranian officials, including the commander of the Revolutionary Guards, the intelligence minister and the former chief prosecutor, for "serious human rights abuses against the people of Iran".
At the time, White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said that the "list of names is not exhaustive and will continue to grow based on events in Iran, and as additional information and evidence becomes available".
Mark Kirk, a Republican from Illinois newly elected to fill Obama's old seat in the Senate, has suggested that the Obama administration go further and "make human rights a central tenet of future negotiations with Iran".
Keynoting the Foundation for Defense of Democracies conference last week, Kirk – who helped author a major sanctions bill when he was in the House – said that President Obama should invite exiled members of the opposition Green Movement to meet him at the White House, increase funding for Iranian democracy promotion and make Iranian political prisoners "household names throughout America" much as Ronald Reagan did with Soviet detainees in the 1980s.
Randy Scheunemann is a well-connected Washington lobbyist and neoconservative activist. A former director of the Project for the New American Century, Scheunemann is also well known as the foreign policy adviser charged with counseling the neophyte Sarah Palin for John McCain’s 2008 presidential campaign. Scheunemann’s influence on Palin resurfaced in 2014 when Palin claimed to have predicted back in 2008 that Russia would invade Ukraine if then-Sen. Obama were elected president. “Do you think those were actually [Palin’s] own thoughts,” wondered one critic, “or ones crafted by John McCain’s top foreign policy advisor, Randy Scheunemann, a neocon who was both a paid lobbyist for Georgia and supporter of Ahmed Chalabi, the Iraqi charlatan who helped Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney gull the American people into a misbegotten war?”
Ruth Wedgwood, a SAIS professor and vice chair of the neoconservative Freedom House, is a staunch defender of the "war on terror” who has supported controversial policies that encroach on civil liberties and human rights, including military tribunals, indefinite detention of terrorism suspects, and the PATRIOT Act. Wedgwood has accused Iran of developing nuclear weapons and expressed support for the MEK, a controversial Iranian dissident group long considered a terrorist organization by the U.S. government and likened by its critics to a cult.
Dennis Ross, a controversial former diplomat who served in the Obama administration before retreating to a “pro-Israel” think tank, is a vocal Democratic advocate of leveraging the threat of war to exact concessions from Iran over its nuclear program. Recently, Ross linked the issue to the crisis in Ukraine, arguing that the Obama administration should retaliate against Russia for its intervention in Ukraine in order to placate Israel and Saudi Arabia—foes of Iran who, according to Ross, “believe that the U.S. is increasingly reluctant to act in the face of regional challenges”—even if it means ending Russian cooperation in international negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program.
Amoretta Hoeber is a military consultant and a former Reagan defense official who has opposed international agreements to ban chemical weapons. She currently heads AMH Consulting, a Maryland-based firm that advises companies seeking military contracts. During the Iraq War, Hoeber lent credence to the false accusation that Saddam Hussein was stockpiling chemical weapons—without mentioning that her own firm had secured a contract to remove them.
Weekly Standard editor William Kristol seems nostalgic for the Cold War. During a recent appearance on ABC, he lamented that President Obama didn’t seem to show proper reverence for that “war” when he argued that Syria and Ukraine are not pieces on a “Cold War chessboard.” Kristol said, "So, look; it's nice for President Obama to say it's not a Cold War chessboard. I don't know why he says that with some disdain. That was not an ignoble thing for us to play on that chessboard for 45 years. We ended up winning that Cold War." He added, "And I do think Putin thinks he's playing chess. He thinks he's playing even a rougher game than chess and we have to be able to match it.”
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